The Illustrated Man essays

The Illustrated Man essays This is a collection of short stories written by Ray Bradbury. The story opens when a man, on a walking tour of Wisconsin, meets another man whose body is covered in tattoos. The man with the tattoos, known as the Illustrated Man, is looking for a job. He camped the night with the other man. His tattoos, he told him, where given to him by a witch from the future. When the sun comes down, the tattoos come to life, and play out little dramas upon the man's flesh. Each of the stories contained in this book come from the dramas played out from the man's tattoos. The first story, The Veldt, tells the tale of a family from the future. In the future, people have rooms much like the halodeck from Star Trek. The room is virtual reality, and can be programmed and sensitized to its owners to create for them whatever reality they wish. For this family, the room serves as their children's nursery. Indeed, the children spend so much time in this "nursery"; it has become a surrogate parent to them. The parents - particularly the father - have become concerned about the amount of time the children spend with the nursery. He fears that perhaps their playtime has become all too real. He calls in an expert to check the nursery out. The room is supposed to respond whenever a person requests, or even thinks of what it wants the room to create. However, the room seems to have been stuck in a rut. The scene: the middle of an African veldt, where a family of lions feasted upon their kill. The expert suggests that the father try turning off the nursery for a while, and give the family a chance to come together as a real family again, without all their technological inventions getting in the way. The father tries this, but the children and wife rebel. Finally, he relents and turns it back on again. The children race into the nursery, and get locked in. They scream for their parents....

Eight Great Gift Ideas for Your Francophile Friends

Eight Great Gift Ideas for Your Francophile Friends What gifts could you give to your Francophile or France loving friends? Nowadays, with e-commerce, sending the right gift to the right person is so much easier. Yet, there are so many choices out there. Here is my top eight list: 1 – A Book about France Check out your local Amazon store, there are plenty of beautiful books about France.  First, select the â€Å"book† category. Then, you have a lot of choices. To narrow down the searches, look at the options on your left (you may need to press â€Å"see more†). Select: - â€Å"Art and photography† for beautiful books. I love The Louvre - all the paintings, The Best loved villages of France, and Spectacular Paris.- â€Å"Travel guides† to prepare a trip.  - â€Å"Cookbook, food and wine also make a great idea. My husband is a great cook, and his favorite is Mastering the Art of French Cooking - You cannot go wrong with Julia Child! And My Paris Kitchen - Olivier often picks up David Lebovitzs book for inspiration, and all his recipes always turn out perfect - we highly recommend it.- â€Å"Comic book† – what about a French edition of the world-famous â€Å"Tintin† or â€Å"Astà ©rix†?   Then, you can have your book shipped wherever you like, and even have it gift-wrapped. How practical! 2 – A French CD/MP3 or DVD French music is so readily available, both in stores and on the web. Of course you have the classics: Brel, Aznavour, Piaf... but there are many young talents out there: you may have heard of â€Å"Stromae† but he is not the only one (check out â€Å"Zaz†, â€Å"M Pocora† â€Å"Tal†, â€Å"Bà ©nabar†Ã¢â‚¬ ¦) : Check out my Pinterest board â€Å"Les VIP du PAF (Screen and Audio French VIPs) for inspiration, pictures, and videos of who’s hot in France right now. For movies in French, check out Amazon Canada – you’ll pay a bit more for shipping but will have a much larger selection and you are still in the appropriate DVD zone for the US.​ Note: Unfortunately, DVDs are ‘region locked’ and so a DVD meant for the European market will not play on a standard US/CAN DVD player. If this is a DVD for a US/Canadian based friend, make sure it’s â€Å"Region 1† (or that they have a hacked and unlocked DVD player). 3 – A French Audiobook What about learning some French? There are a ton of resources out there, including pricey French learning software (If you are going this way, I recommend Fluenz) and old-fashion dictionaries. You will, of course, find plenty of textbooks on Amazon, but if you ask me, students of French absolutely need an audio support. Audiobooks are convenient; your friend can download them to their smart phone and use them on the go, during workouts or commuting time. If your friends are French or speak French fluently, check out Audible for their selection of audio novels in French. And if your friends are still learning French, then pick a  level appropriate French audio novel or French learning method  on my site, FrenchToday.com. 4 – French Gourmet Food Still on Amazon, check the category â€Å"grocery and gourmet food† and type â€Å"France† or anything special you would be looking for. There is a gift there for any budget. You can also go to your local fine grocery store, and once you look carefully, you’ll be surprised at the number of French food items.   â€Å"Fleur de sel de Guà ©rande† makes a great gift for foodies (this is actually the one Olivier loves), but there are also many French mustards (I love the brand â€Å"Maille†) and spices, cookies, and chocolate. 5 – French Wine Tasting You don’t need to be in France to taste French wines. If you live in a large city, chances are that your local wine store organizes wine tastings. Pay them a visit and ask them if and when they plan on having a French wine tasting. You could even ask them if they could organize one for you and your Francophile friends. Stores are usually very happy to do so and it would be a fun moment, and a personalized gift for your friend. 6– French Perfume and Make-Up Chanel, Dior, Lancà ´me... We dream about these brands but only few people can treat themselves to this kind of luxury. However, many of these brands do have a cosmetic department, and a Dior Lipstick for example is a gift that will most likely impress any lady. You can find them online or in any large department store. 7 – Coupon for a French Restaurant Ok, this one may be a bit on the expensive side. But it’s fun. And if your friends often go to their favorite French restaurant, you can call that restaurant and ask to buy a bottle of wine for the next time your friends go there.   8– French Magazine Subscription There are many French magazines out there, and with Amazon.com, you can get a subscription to a magazine in French right to your door: Vogue, Cuisine et vins de France, Marie-Claire Maison, Photo, Voici or Gala,  they make wonderful gifts because every month, your friend will be reminded of your thoughtful gift. Je mets tous les jours des mini-leà §ons gratuites sur Facebook, Twitter et Pinterest - venez m’y rejoindre! I also wrote many articles about Christmas in France:- 7 Must Know Noà «l Traditions- Christmas in France Dialogue - French English Bilingual Easy Story- Meet the French Santa - French English Bilingual Easy Story-8 Gift Ideas for Your Francophile Friends- Petit Papa Noà «l - The Most Famous French Christmas Song (with a link to a video of my daughter singing it!)-  My enunciated recording of the Catholic mass prayers in French Joyeuses fà ªtes de fin dannà ©e! Happy Holidays!

Role Identification Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Role Identification - Essay Example It’s the duty of research assistant to contribute his/her help to the professionals to obtain maximum knowledge, organize, collect, compile and analyze data. They coordinate the trials and also make sure that all the procedures are followed properly. Research assistant also serves as coordinators, researchers, investigators, administrators, consultants or educators. It is also the reasonability of a research assistant to maintain discipline in following the rules and regulations in the industry and to maintain the safety and confidentiality in relation to the information. In a nutshell, we can say that the research assistant should be someone able enough to know how to improve the designs of new experiments; he should be able to keep all the records accurately and safely and present them when necessary. Also, supervision of the undergoing experiments and keeping the technicians busy with their work is the most important task required of him (Education Portal,

Strategic Failure at Daimler-Chrysler Assignment

Strategic Failure at Daimler-Chrysler - Assignment Example From the works of Blasko, Netter and Sinkey (2000), there were very many strategic plans that were set to make sure that the merger worked. The strategic issue was that the companies were to use their strengths to work together and create a formidable collection of products for the customers. Ju ¨rgen Schrempp had indicated that what was being created was the greatest and historic merger that would automatically change the face of the automotive industry (Bill & Stertz, 2001, p. 92). The strategies were aimed at the merger shaping the capacity of the industry. Looking at the factors that led to consolidation of the boards of the two companies into signing the ‘marriage’ agreement, there was a misconception that would haunt the outcomes later. The deep set strategic misconception that highly led to a negative was a misconception that the industry was to go through a transformative consolidation in which other companies would survive as smaller competitors in the market. This was proved wrong with the successful growth of mergers like Renault-Nissan. Secondly, there was the misconception that the two companies would complement each other’s strengths in the market in terms of quality production, type of product and market segmentation. However, it was found that they would not necessarily rule the market due to a miscalculation that was mistaken. Based on technical know-how and sharing, the two companies were to realise, as per the financial strategies a total of $1.4 billion in the first year of operations. These were far high misconceptions and, as far as the depth of their contribution to the failure is concerned, it was a deep set problem which saw a creation of strategies without considering the market economies and diseconomies. Depth of Mismanagement According to Krebbs (2007), the marriage between Daimler and Chrysler was doomed to fail right from the start because of three reasons. He alleges that much as the conditions were of the idea that they would share much of the resources, Chrysler was purchased, treated as such and the whole process was a scum. Therefore, the issue as to what extent management caused the failure of the union includes failure from the initial strategies. The union was based on ego and therefore the more the management profited from it, the better. This was not good for the company and other stakeholders. It wasn’t an issue of compatibility but personal satisfaction. Secondly, Krebbs still assert that there was no commitment in the marriage in which case the German side viewed it as very temporary (Krebbs, 2007, p. 3). This caused laxity in its contributions to the whole management process. The relationship is also said to lack vision for the future. After the merger, top management also merged and there were single positions created. In autumn of 2000, the CEO of DaimlerChrysler announced that he had initially wanted that Chrysler be a subsidiary to the union (Pooley, 2005, p. 29). This was a very strong indication that there was absolutely lack of will in the management of the two companies and therefore everybody affiliated to Chrysler became reluctant to continue service in the union. Therefore, the management had

Organizational Changes within the National Health Service Essay Example for Free

Organizational Changes within the National Health Service Essay 1. Discuss and debate the organizational changes within the National Health Service and examine how these have influenced care delivery. At the start of the NHS, a mediation model of management subsisted where the role of the manager facilitated health care professionals to care for the patient. Medical staffs were extremely influential and controlling in determining the shape of the service, at the same time as managers were imprudent and focused on managing internal organizational issues (Harrison et al. 1992). After the 1979 general election, there was originally little change to the National Health Service (Klein 1983). Though, poor economic growth, together with growing public expenditure, slowly brought about changes. Influenced by the New Right ideologies, a more interventionist, practical, style of management in the health service emerged. This efficiently changed the role of managers from one of imprudent scapegoats for existing problems, to agents of the government (Flynn 1992). Managers became the means by which government control over NHS spending was increased (Harrison and Pollitt 1994). The impulsion for this change arose from the 1983 Griffiths report (NHS Executive 1983), an assessment by the government health advisor, Sir Roy Griffiths. Within this report, four specific problem areas were recognized: the limited management influence over the clinical professions; a managerial stress on reactivity to problems; the significance placed on managing the status quo; and a culture of producer, not consumer, orientation (Harrison et al. 1992). The power of the Griffiths Report (op. cit.) was to challenge and limit medicines sovereignty in the health service, and over health care resources. certainly, nurses were simply referred to twice throughout the document. Through its attention on organizational dynamics and not structure, the Griffiths Report proposed main change to the health service. General Managers were initiated at all levels of the NHS. In spite of Griffiths original intention that it was simply cultural adjustment that was required, there were instantaneous and considerable structural and organizational changes in the health service (Robinson et al. 1989). Post-Griffiths there were escalating demands for value for money in the health service (DoH 1989). Efforts to extend managerial control over professional autonomy and behavior so continued throughout this intense period of change, and terminated with the NHS and Community Care Act (DoH 1990). From the re-organizations that taken place during this period, the NHS was rationalized to conform more intimately to the model of free enterprise in the private sector. This reformation was shaped by the belief that greater competence could be stimulated through the formation of an internal and competitive market. The belief that the health service was a distinguishing organization was disputed. The principles of economic rationality linked with business organizations were applied extensive to the operation of health service. The services requisite were determined, negotiated, and agreed by purchasers and providers through a funding and constricting mechanism. In this, trust hospitals and Directly Managed Units supplied health care provision for District and General Practitioner fund holders. There has since been a further shift in the purchaser base from health authorities to local commissioning through primary care groups and, more lately, through the Shifting the Balance of Power: The Next Steps policy document (DoH 2001b), to Primary Care Trusts. Through such recognized relationships, purchasers have turn out to be commissioners of services and the idea of the internal market has become the managed market that recognizes the more long-term planning of services that is required. Rhetoric of organization and health improvement underpins service agreements now made. The NHS is not simply a technical institution for the delivery of care, but as well a political institution where the practice of health care and the roles of health care practitioners imitate the authority base within society. The hospital organizational structure is an influential determinant of social identity, and thus affects health care roles and responsibilities. Though, through the health care reforms the medical staff and, to a lesser degree the managers, appeared to be defense from the introduction of general management into the health service. This has resulted in health service delivery remaining stoutly located within a medical model, and medical domination unchallenged (Mechanic 1991). It is the less authoritative occupational groups, including nursing, that have felt the major impact of such reforms. The NHS organizational changes aimed to convey leadership, value for money, and professional responsibility to managers at all level of the health service. These alterations were intended to reverse the organizational inertia that was limiting growth and efficiency in the system. Though originally aiming a positive impact on the service, these radical ideologies led to tension at the manager-health care professional boundary (Owens and Glennerster 1990). The prologue of the internal market in the NHS meant to present a more neutral and competent way of allocating resources, through rationalization and depersonalization. The new era of managerially claimed to be a changing force opposing customary health professional power (Newman and Clarke 1994), and persuasive professionals to offer to organizational objectives (Macara 1996). The contradictory models of health care held by managers and health care workers improved ambiguity over areas of responsibility and decision making, somewhat than clarity as anticipated (Owens and Glennerster 1990). The contending ideologies and tribalism between the health care groups were more unequivocally revealed. The introduction of markets to health care exposed a dichotomy for health care professionals. Medical and nursing staffs were requisite to report to better managerial officials, yet reveal professional commitment to a collegial peer group. This was challenging, mainly for medical staff that understood medical influence and the independence of medical practice, but did not recognize managerial ability. In many of the commentaries addressing this, the majority pragmatic resolution to addressing this situation was to distinguish that professional independence exists but together with, and limited, by managerial and decision-making control. The Griffiths Report (NHS Management Executive 1983) considered the doctor as the natural manager and endeavored to engage medicine with the general management culture through the resource management inventiveness. This requisite medicine to clinch the managerial values of collaboration, team work and collective attainment through the configuration of clinical management teams: the clinical directorate. On the contrary such working attitudes were in direct contrast to medicines principles of maximizing rather than optimizing, and of autonomy not interdependence. It is fascinating that even in todays health care environment; there have been sustained observations that medical staffs do not supervise resources or clinical staff in an idealistic way. in spite of this, there has been little effort to undertake a methodical and broad review of the organization of medical work. This is in direct distinction to the experience of nurses, whose working practices and standards persist to be cr itiqued by all. Early on attempts made by managers to bound medical authority led to doctors adopting countervailing practices so as to remain independent and avoid organizational authority. Such practices, taken to keep their clinical independence, included unrestricted behaviors in admitting patients or deciding on explicit patient treatments (Harrison and Bruscini 1995). These behaviors rendered it hard for managers to intrude on medical practice, and therefore restricted the impact of the health care reforms. Immediately post-Griffiths there was some proof that introduction of general managers had, to a small extent, influenced medical practices. Green and Armstrong (1993) undertook a study on bed management in nine London hospitals. In this study, it was established how the work of managerial bed managers was capable to influence throughput of patients, admission and operating lists, thereby ultimately affecting the work of medicine. however, attempts made by managers to organize medicine were self-limiting. Health care managers were not a colossal, ideologically homogeneous group and lacked a strong consistent power base (Harrison and Pollitt 1994). Managers did not fulfill their remit of exigent the medical position in the health service and evade the responsibility for implementing repulsive and difficult decisions (Harrison and Pollitt op. cit.). The management capability of medicine persists to be challenged by government initiatives including the overture of clinical governance (DoH 1997). In this, the Chief Executives of trusts are held responsible for the quality of clinical care delivered by the whole workforce. An optimistic impact of this transform may be to provide opportunity for an incorporated organization with all team members, representing an interdependent admiration of health care (Marnoch and Ross 1998). on the other hand, it might be viewed as simply a structural change to increase the recognized ability of the Chief Executive over the traditional authority of medical staff: a further effort to make in-roads into the medical power base. Current years have demonstrated sustained commitment from the government towards modernizing health care (DoH 2000b). This has integrated challenging conventional working patterns and clinical roles across clinical specialties and disciplines. certainly medicine has received improved public and government scrutiny over current years. This has resulted in a shift of approach from within and outside the medical profession. The accomplishment of challenging the agenda for change in health care will be part-determined by medicines capability to further flex its own boundaries, and respond to the developing proficiency of others. 2. Identify and critically explore the changing role of the nurse, within the multi disciplinary team, examining legal, ethical and professional implications. The impact on nurses of the post-Griffiths health service configuration has not been so inconsequential. Empirical work has demonstrated that execution of the Griffiths recommendations led to the removal of the nursing management structure. This efficiently limited senior nurses to simply operational roles (Keen and Malby 1992). The implementation of the clinical directorate structure, with consultants having managerial accountability over nursing, further reduced nursings capability to effect change. Prior to 1984, budgetary control for nursing place with the profession. The 1984 reorganization distant nursing from nursings own control and placed it decisively under the new general managers (Robinson and Strong 1987, p. 5). As the notions of cost inhibition and erudite consumers were promoted, audit and accounting practices assumed a significant position in the health service. It was nurses who, encompassing a considerable percentage of the total workforce and linked staffing budget, found themselves targets for public and government analysis. Nursing maintained some strategic management functions within the new management structures, but these tasks were mostly limited to areas within the professional nursing domain. Nurses have been seen as pricey and potentially upsetting factors of production: channels through which costs can be lessened and administration functions can be absorbed (Ackroyd 1996). Caught in the crossfire of managerial changes that were originally targeted at medicine, nursing has been placed subordinate to management (Robinson and Strong 1987). In spite of debates on the impact of health care changes, there is consent on one issue. The structural and organizational changes in the NHS since 1991 have re-fashioned unit management teams and unit management responsibilities. This has resulted in the improved involvement of these teams in the stipulation of the service. It has required a diverse way of thinking about health care and new relationships between clinicians and managers to be developed (Owens and Glennerster 1990). The nineties are set to become a vital period in changing the ways in which health care is delivered, not just in terms of the potential re-demarcation of occupational boundaries between health care occupations, but as well in terms of the broader political, economic and organizational changes presently taking place in the NHS. It is asserted that traditional demarcations between doctors and nurses, seen as based on ever more unsustainable distinctions between cure and care, are becoming blurred and that the new nursing causes a threat to the supremacy of the medical profession within health care (Beardshaw and Robinson 1990). though, there is an element of wishful thinking about this and, indeed, Beardshaw and Robinson (1990) rage their optimism with an identification of the continued reality of medical dominance. They see the threat to medical supremacy as one of the most problematical aspects of the new nursing, largely as claims to a unique therapeutic role for nursing must essentially involve a reassessment of patient care relative to cure. In Beardshaw and Robinsons view, the degree to which doctors will be willing to exchange their conventional handmaidens for true clinical partners, or even substitutes, is one of the most significant questions posed by the new nursing. In the wake of the Cumberlege Report on Community Nursing (DHSS 1986) and World Health Organization directions concerning precautionary health care, there appeared the very real view of the substitution of nurses for doctors in definite clinical areas-particularly primary care in the community, through nurses creating a central role in health encouragement, screening, counseling and routine treatment work in some GP practices (Beardshaw and Robinson 1990). Though, a current evaluation of the impact of present reforms in the NHS on the role of the nurse in primary care is more distrustful concerning the future shape of the community nursing role. If the way to determine the extent of nurses challenge to medicine is in terms of the conflict it provokes, then there positively is proof of medical resistance to recent developments in nursing. Doctors reaction to the Cumberlege Report on neighborhood nursing (DHSS 1986), which suggested the appointment of nurse practitioners, revealed that there were doctors who strongly resisted the initiative of nurses acting autonomously (Delamothe 1988). On the other hand, the General Medical Services Committee and the Royal College of Nursing agreed that decisions concerning appropriate treatment are in practice not always made by the patients general practitioner and recognized that nurses working in the community are effectively prescribes of treatment (British Medical Journal 1988:226). Discussions relating to the proper arrangements desired to hold the prescription of drugs by nurses are taking place, on the grounds that nurse prescribing raises issues linking to the legal and professional status of both the nursing and the medical professions (British Medical Journal 1988:226). This suggests that renegotiations relating to the spheres of competence of doctors and nurses are on the agenda. None the less, the General Medical Council (1992) Guidelines remain indistinct on nurse prescribing and other forms of delegation of tasks under medical privilege to nurses, stating that it has no desire to hold back delegation, but warning that doctors must be satisfied concerning the competence of the person to whom they are delegated, and insisting that doctors should retain eventual responsibility for the patients, as improper delegation renders a doctor liable to disciplinary proceedings. Renegotiations around the division of responsibilities between doctors and nurses are taking place very carefully and to a large extent on a rather extemporized basis, given the volume of letters requesting advice and clarification received from GPs by the General Medical Council. The focus in much of the nursing literature seems to be on the challenge of the new nursing to the old nursing posed by nursing reform, somewhat than on the challenge to medicine. One doctor (Mitchell 1984) has complained in the pages of the British Medical Journal that doctors have not been told what the nursing process is about. Paradoxically, the nursing process is in fact derived from the work of an American doctor, Lawrence Weed, who pioneered the problem-oriented record for hospitals in 1969. This changed the way in which patient information was collected and stored by instituting one single record to which all health professionals given. Though the nursing process, which was part of this innovation, crossed the Atlantic to Britain, the problem-oriented record did not. Mitchell (1984) has argued that the medical profession must oppose the nursing process and give it a rough ride on the grounds that medical knowledge should precede nursing plans to remedy the deficiencies of living activities which are, he insists, consequential upon the cause and clinical course of disease. He also accuses nurses of enabling a pernicious dichotomy between cure and care, relegating the doctor to disease and inspiring the nurse to the holistic care of the individual, and suspects that the nursing process is less a system of rationalizing the delivery of care than a means of elevating nurses status and securing autonomy from medical supremacy.

Justice in Platos Republic :: Papers Justice Plato Republic Essays

Justice in Plato's Republic Justice. What is justice? In this world where many people look out only for themselves, justice can be considered the happiness of oneself. But because selfish men do not always decide our standards in society, to find a definition, society should look at the opinions of many. Just as in the modern society to which we live, where everyone feels justice has a different meaning, the society of Plato also struggled with the same problem. In this paper, I will look into the Republic, one of the books of Plato that resides heavily on defining an answer to the meaning of Justice, and try to find an absolute definition. I will also give my opinion on what I personally think justice is. During the time Socrates and his fellow citizens spent looking for a definition, they came across many different examples. Well-known Athenians, such as Polemarchus, bring out their own definitions of what justice is, with examples like Justice is "Doing the right thing, or "Giving everyone his due." But soon after these definitions on justice were given, they were shot down by the quick wits of Socrates. Throughout the books of The Republic, I enjoyed reading the many ways that Plato picked apart the flaws in examples by others. It seems that Plato could find flaws without spending much time actually examining the definition. Friends and men of Athens had to restate and restructure their definitions time in and time out during the search for the meaning of Justice. Without the skill that Plato possessed in examining faults in definitions, one can quickly assume that a faulty definition works to be true. I did this many times while reading through different definitions. For example, the definition Polemarchus gives in section two of book one, saying that justice is giving everyone what is "appropriate" to him. To me, an example like this would fit as a definition, because without much examination, it works well for most situations. For example, if a man is good, then an appropriate return for his goodness is to be good back to him. But if a man acts in a bad or troublesome way, an equally bad punishment is needed to counter his actions. I see this fitting, but Socrates of course easily found a flaw, finding this definition useless if followed, because of there not being a person best at benefiting friends and harming enemies.

Gandhi’s Campaign Methods Essay

It’s clear that Gandhi’s campaigns of non-cooperation and attending political meetings with high ranked British officials during the early 1930s, were hugely significant as they mounted pressure on the Raj, leaving the British with no other alternative than to make concessions towards the nationalists. However, Purna Swaraj wasn’t achieved by Gandhi’s campaigns in the 1930s, due to the limitations of his methods as he was unable to cooperate and negotiate with the British. Conversely, demands for nationalism increased across India and the British began to lose any moral authority they had over the Indians. Gandhi’s methods of non-violent, civil disobedience were hugely effective in turning many Indians against British rule, increasing demands for Purna Swaraj and attacking the revenue that the British relied on to survive within India. Source 1 is a declaration written by Gandhi, a speech in which was broadcasted on Independence Day. The symbolism of broadcasting this speech across the whole of India on the 26th January 1930, shows Gandhi’s purpose of targeting the masses to enthuse them on a day of huge importance, to rise up against the ‘inhuman rule’ they’re being controlled under. ‘Inhuman rule’ emphasises how the British were keeping the Indians in subordination within no care or consideration for the wellbeing of its subjects. This is witnessed with the tax that the British put on salt. Salt is a necessity for every Indians health and survival due to living in such hot climates, so consequently, the British revenue increased as they knew every Indian had to purchase it in order to survive. However, Gandhi wanted to ‘stop the payment of taxes without violence’ and thus, publicised the boycott of salt tax with his salt march on 12th March 1930. Initially, the British disregarded it and treat it as a joke, until it caught the attention of the worlds press as a result of Gandhi connecting with the supportive masses, and drawing in tens of thousands at prayer meetings and gatherings before the actual march. This contradicts the view of Lawrence James in source 3, who believes the Indians had ‘never come close to toppling the Raj’, as source 1 makes it explicit that the increasing animosity and non-payment of taxes, generated by Gandhi, concerned the British a great deal. Gandhi directly attacked the Raj as he declared it a ‘crime’ to submit to its rule in hope he could connect with the Indians and encourage them to follow his lead. He successfully did this as a result of the Salt March. Although only 78 of his supporters followed him on the entire march, many other Indians got involved. On route of the march, many Indian officials resigned from their posts. Elsewhere, another march was organised in South India were protests in Bombay, the North West Frontier Province and 2000 non-violent demonstrators at a salt production plant in Dharasana were attacked to the ground by police. This again is evidence of the ‘inhuman rule’ Gandhi speaks about in hi s declaration, and consequently shows why the British lost a lot of moral authority over the Indians. Source 2 explicitly shows that Gandhi’s non-violent campaign methods were effective at challenging the Raj and allowing them no other option that to begin making political concessions towards the activists. It adds a lot of weight to source 1 as it shows the effectiveness of Gandhi’s campaigns in relation to the British response. Lord Irwin, the Viceroy of India at the time, recognised that ‘political dialogue’ was the only way forward from the current position in 1931, due to the increasing hostility in India that was becoming a huge threat to the Empire. Consequently the Gandhi-Irwin pact was signed on the 5th March 1931 which was an agreement between both Gandhi and Irwin. The most significant aspect of this wasn’t the agreements themselves, which saw many political prisoners released, Indian officials reassigned and future political changes to be in the interest of India, but more so the fact that Gandhi was seen as an equal to a leading British official. This in itself unleashed hope that the British would start showing respect and help the Indians advance politically. It’s clear from source 2 that Irwin showed some respect for Indians as he states that the ultimate purpose for India is not to be under ‘perpetual subordination’ in the British Empire. This too conflicts with source 3 as it suggests the British have come to the realisation that they cannot hold on and control India forever, due to the increase in non-cooperation amongst the masses as a result of Gandhi’s campaigns and in the aftermath of the second round table conference. This conference was held in Britain on 7th September 1931, which aimed to start negotiations towards Indians progression to self rule. However, it achieved nothing due to Gandhi demanding nothing less than Purna Swaraj and thus blocked any further negotiations and progress for India. In addition to this, his arrogant approach in being the only representative to speak for eve ry Indian angered many groups within the population, in particular the untouchables. Source 2 therefore shows that Gandhi’s campaigning methods were limited, and only effective to a certain extent. As this modern source was written by Tim Leadbitter, a writer for academic studies, we can trust that his view is objective. However, he does express his own opinion when stating that Irwin ‘rightly’ recognised the dangers of mass movements. This is unusual in textbooks which are used for academic purposes and could cause the reader to believe his opinion is actually fact. Nevertheless, put in context its clear that the mass movements were a threat to the Raj and so followed awaited Government of India Act of 1935. The provisions of the act were too little too late and although it provided Indians with provincial control, it achieved no advancement in central or higher administration, and the electorate was still less than 10% of the overall population. Congress did benefit hugely from the 1937 election and in effect became the leading party in India wh ich in turn caused resentment and anger from the Muslim League. By this time, Gandhi lost his campaigning momentum after his arrest in 1931 however that is not to say the small but significant successes of the 1935 Government of India Act wasn’t a result of Gandhi’s campaigning efforts. Source 3 contradicts the evidence in sources 1 and 2 and completely disregards any lack of progress being made by Gandhi and the Indian nationalists in the 1930s, with the non-violent campagns. It takes facts at face value as James takes a broad sweep over the British Empire. As a result, his account ignores the underlying pressures and Gandhi’s non-violent methods that challenged the British rule in India. James undermines Gandhi’s efforts by stating they ‘never came close’ to toppling the Raj, therefore believing that the civil disobedience and non-cooperation as a result of Gandhi’s campaigns, were too weak to put even the slightest dent in the British hold on India. However source 2 explicitly opposes this as the British Viceroy Lord Irwin recognises the need to show that the British are willing to help India progress politically, to prevent further unrest and mass movements witnessed after the Salt March. The resulting 1935 Government of India Act and 1937 elections weren’t direct results of Gandhi’s campaigning, however the small changes witnessed in Indians advancing in politics and having more say at provincial level, wouldn’t have happened at all if it wasn’t for the pressure Gandhi put on the Raj. Without his non-cooperation campaigns, the British wouldn’t have felt the need to make any concessions at all towards Indians, but the fact remains that by 1939 Gandhi’s agenda of 1930 demanding Purna Swaraj hadn’t been achieved. However, James is not completely oblivious to the pressure the Raj is under, as he states they can ‘hold on’ in an unconvincing tone. It’s therefore apparent that if the Raj had to make the effort to hold on to their control, Gandhi’s campaigning efforts and mass movements are obviously causing them some concerns and mounting pressure, and so much have been effective to a certain extent . Lawrence James does actually give evidence to suggest that some Indians were actually content with British rule as he mentions the ‘backing of an army’ of ‘loyal’ sepoys, which the British utilised for general administration and control. However this alone doesn’t hold any weight when confronted with conflicting evidence from sources 1 and 2. It’s therefore undisputable that Gandhi’s non-violent campaign methods as mentioned in source 1 were hugely effective in amplifying the nationalism within India and thus rallying the masses in order to put strenuous pressure on the Raj as witnessed in source 2. It is apparent however that Gandhi became less influential after his arrest in 1931. His campaigns lost momentum and Congress became machine that followed up the progress Gandhi had made prior to the 1935 Government of India Act. Source 2 therefore bares the most weight as it makes it explicit that Gandhi’s campaigning left the British with no other option than to proceed to make concessions towards the Indians, who where now actively pushing for future self governing. The British were then obliged to relinquish some power, and accept that there would be no going back to having complete perpetual control over the Indians.